Saturday, November 6, 2010

Competition Induces Racial Tension

From the conflict between the creole and black musicians of New Orleans to the segregated night clubs of Harlem, race has always played an important role in the development of jazz.  It isn’t until the 1930s though, that race is ever discussed explicitly in relation to jazz.  The reason this occurs in the Swing Era is due to the correlation that was made between jazz and the Popular Front, the relationship that developed between critics and musicians, and the competition that was created between white and black musicians.

All throughout the 1920s, jazz is denigrated by both whites and blacks of middle and upper class.  By the 1930s, however, this perception of jazz, under the title of swing, shifts as people from upper and middle class communities begin to see jazz as a way of liberating self-expression instead of a way of promoting social rebellion.  Jazz was no longer seen as the uncouth, primitive music style of the black lower class, but rather as a medium that described “all-American values and progressive leftist ideals” (Stowe 53, 73).  Through its correspondence with the Popular Front, jazz was able to reach an entirely new audience.  It suddenly became alright to partake in black activism, take for instance the Communist party’s involvement in the Scottsboro case (Stewart 11/2/10).  For the first time in American society, “black culture had become, for many of [America’s] young people, the American culture of choice” (Stowe 54).  

The racial tension, which was for the most part covered up during the 1920s, starts to emerge during the 1930s through a new avenue of discussion, journals dedicated to jazz.  It is through these journals that the relationship between jazz enthusiast and jazz musician blossoms.  John Hammond was one such jazz enthusiast who was credited for “discovering” musicians such as Benny Goodman, Billie Holiday and Count Basie (Stowe 54).  In lieu of these contributions, Hammond felt he had a certain authority to critique musicians and it was easy to see from his critiques that “Hammond’s notion of musical authenticity was clearly rooted in his attitude toward race” and commercialization (Stowe 61).  He believed that racial equality could be brought about through jazz and cultural awareness, and criticized any music that was not working towards this goal such as Duke Ellington.  Hammond believed that Duke “disguised a willingness to tolerate racial indignities for the sake of commercial success” (Hammond).    Although Hammond wanted jazz to be a racial melting pot, where the color line was blurred and the black musician could be as successful as the white one, he did not want it at the cost of racial injustices (Stewart 11/2/10).  One recurring issue discussed in the journals, was the question of who the better swing musician was: the black band or the white band.  Hammond’s stance on the issue was clear: he believed blacks were the superior swing players, although he opposed black separatism within the swing industry (Stowe 60-61). 

Although much of the competition between black and white musicians stemmed from the comments of critics, another important factor was the commercialization of swing.  By the time swing became popular, it became exceedingly difficult for big band leaders to manage the business side of their band.  It was at this time that many bands, such as Fletcher Henderson’s, began to fail.  The bands that were able to make the transition were musicians who had agents help them manage the band such as Duke Ellington who hired Irving Mills.  In fact, by 1936 having an agent was the rule not the exception (Stowe 103).  Although agents were expensive, it was a necessary cost especially for black bands that did not get the playing opportunities that white bands received.  Ironically, it was swing’s mass popularity that worked to the detriment of black bands.  After 1935, swing played by whites sounded identical to swing played by blacks and as a result whites bands dominated the market since they had more resources.  As the popularity of swing increased, the disparity between white and black bands also increased (Stowe 122). 

Through changes in American society’s political views, the development of the jazz critic and the mass popularity of swing, race issues, explicitly in relation to jazz, are expressed during the Swing Era for the first time.  Investigating racial issues surrounding jazz opened up the possibility for further discussion and could have even played a large role in the civil rights movement.

3 comments:

  1. Your overall idea that competition induced racial tensions during this time is a good one, but seemed to need some more development and concrete evidence to support it. I like that you mentioned the influence of jazz journals and the role of critics in shaping public policy and social development, and the coming commercialization that followed. But I feel your argument was a little unorganized and lacked some more tangible examples, creating a rift in your understanding of the big picture of racial tensions of the time.

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  2. I like your discussion on Hammond and his commitment towards racial equality. However, I feel it's worth mentioning his attempts to integrate jazz bands, such as his hiring of Teddy Wilson as a pianist for Benny Goodman. This was one of the first instances of any type of racial integration in America, and I believe that this act influenced many others to begin thinking about integrating other areas in society.

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  3. I really agree with your stance on the commercialization. However, to me, it plays a more critical role than the one you have portrayed. I think Hammond can be lumped into the "commercializers," thus completing a dialogue between musicians, critics, and corporate industry. I don't think so much that musicians were competing with each other, and much more, I think they saw each other equitably. The racial tension comes in because these musicians are criticized, segregated and labeled by commercial interests.

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